The National Health Survey 2002 found that over one in five boys (21. 8%) and over one in four girls (27. 5%) aged 15 or under were either overweight or obese. While there is considerable evidence that attests to the significance of body image for young people (especially females), and demonstrates that young people value looking good and being thin (Chapman et al, 2000; BMA report, 2000; Kings Fund, 2000; Madge and Franklin, 2003; McKinley et al, 2005), there appears to be very little known about what children and young people think about obesity.
There may, however, be a clue from Holt et al’s (2005) study of 15 young people who attended a residential weight-loss camp. These reported how the positive elements of the camp had been peer and adult support, enjoying themselves, and being given choices of activities. It was suggested that these experiences may normally have been absent in the children’s lives Physical Exercise ‘PE and fitness’ was ranked third in a list of 14 issues considered by school age students in London who completed a questionnaire about health in schools (Hesketh et al, 2005), suggesting that young people do think that physical exercise is important.
Nonetheless, many young people suggest that they do not take as much exercise as they should. Nearly two-thirds of those consulted in one study reported that they did not do enough physical activity (Healey, 2002). Moreover, nearly a quarter said that they would like to cycle to school, but only one in fifty actually did so. Alcohol, drugs and volatile substances In April 2001, the Scottish Executive commissioned Save the Children to ask children and young people about their views on alcohol misuse in Scotland.
A consultation with 98 children and young people, in 14 groups, resulted. This demonstrated that young people were very aware of the dangers and health risks associated with drinking, on both a personal and a social level. It also found, however, that a very clear gap existed between knowledge and action, and that most young people said that the pull factors towards drinking were stronger than the push factors away from it. Drinking to get drunk seemed to be the norm, and the reasons appeared complex and multifarious.
The influence of friends, advertising, the example of adults, having older brothers and sisters who drink, and a perceived Scottish culture of drinking, were all mentioned. Nonetheless, many young people were making an active and often informed choice to drink, and the research suggested that younger children have far more definite and negative views about drinking than those found among older young people whose drinking habits have become more established.
Positive reasons for ‘risky drinking’ were identified by in-depth interviews with 64 14 to 17 year-olds who said they get drunk in unsupervised, often outdoor, settings (Coleman and Cater, 2005). Increased confidence in social and sexual situations was the most commonly cited reason, while others were to escape from problems, achieve a ‘buzz’, something to do, the influence of friends, and respect and image. These young people did nonetheless mention negative impacts on their health as well as increased risks to their personal safety.
Those most prone to harmful outcomes were the 14 and 15 year-olds who got drunk in unsupervised locations as well as those who reported getting drunk for the ‘buzz’. Interestingly, somewhat the reverse appeared the case from a study that examined drug-taking among young people (Schools Health Education Unit, 2004). It emerged that the older they become, the more likely pupils are to think that drugs are ‘always unsafe’. The exception was cannabis, which is considered to be ‘always unsafe’ by a smaller percentage of the older groups. There appears to be a considerable variety of motives for using alcohol and drugs.
It has already been suggested that young people under stress may be particularly likely to drink alcohol and misuse drugs, and ChildLine (2005) confirmed that callers often reveal a chaotic family life or other serious problems whether they ring to talk about drinking alcohol regularly or over a long period of time, or about a particular experience when they have been drinking. Interestingly, Monaghan and Broad (2003) reported that just under half their sample of young people attached to social inclusion projects used illegal drugs, and a third used them every day.
Most said that using drugs had a positive effect on their health and well-being. Many looked after children and young people who took part in focus group discussions (to ascertain the key media for communicating drugs messages) also saw drugs as a normal part of life (Nottingham City DAT). The reasons for first-time drug-taking were investigated in a national survey on the prevalence of smoking, drinking and drug taking among young people in England in 2003 (Boreham and Blenkinsop, 2005).
Although 92% of a national sample of over 10,000 young people (mainly 11 to 15 year-olds) agreed that ‘taking drugs harms your health’, as compared with 10% who agreed that ‘taking drugs is exciting’, almost one in three said they had used drugs at some time. Of these, 64% said they had first taken them because they wanted to see what they were like, 27% to get high and feel good, 21% because friends were doing it, and 13% as they had nothing better to do. This suggests that, among young people in general, taking drugs is not initially a health issue.