However, subjective well-being is affected by more traits than just simply neuroticism and extraversion. Self-esteem also plays a vital role in keeping happiness levels high (Wilson, 1967). However, Diener and Diener (1995) stress that self-esteem less vital for some people than for others. High self-esteem is almost invariably linked with high subjective well-being in Western (individualist) cultures, but self-esteem becomes a less significant determinant of subjective well-being in collectivist cultures. This conclusion is supported by the research of Kwan, Bond,
and Singelis (1997). They found that self-esteem and life satisfaction were very closely linked in their American subjects, while the two constructs were less linked in their Chinese subjects based in Hong Kong. For those Chinese subjects, social harmony was an important aspect of life satisfaction. Thus, Kwan, Bond and Singelis counseled researchers against regarding self-esteem as an infallible predictor of happiness, at least for collectivist cultures that put a premium on the group, and not on the individual.
Apart from self-esteem, optimism also greatly affects subjective well-being. In relation to this, Scheier and Carver (1985) put forward a theory of dispositional optimism. They define optimism as an individual’s predisposition to expect good things to happen and to expect problems to be resolved. An optimistic person is more likely to achieve his or her life goals because he or she believes that they can be achieved, whereas a pessimistic person is more likely to be discouraged from completing life goals because he or she does not believe the outcome will be favorable.
Simply put, the more optimistic a person is, the more likely that person will achieve life satisfaction and the higher his or her subjective well-being will be. The idea of adaptation or habituation in the context of continuing conditions was considered the principal foundation of the theories of SWB (Diener et al. , 1999). According to Diener and his colleagues (1999), individuals have the ability to adapt to their circumstances, may it be good or bad. Due to this ‘adaptation’ ability, the circumstances or situations an individual may be in no longer have a bearing on SWB.
In line with this, authors Brickman and Campbell (1971) suggested that in the long run, personal happiness may not be possible. This, according to the proponents, may be attributed to the fact that people always adapt to their situation and as such, they go back to their hedonic neutrality (Brickman and Campbell, 1971). This concept of Brickman and Campbell (1971) was more commonly known as the “hedonic treadmill. ” A similar study made by Silver (1982) further supports this concept. On the contrary a study made by Diener and Biswas-Diener in 2000 suggested that a lot has to be reviewed regarding this concept of hedonic treadmill.
They claimed that new data should be considered and applied to improve such theory or modify the beliefs it proposes. One specific and important point to consider was the data that showed that some people, in fact, do not return to this neutrality. Instead, some individuals would reach a slightly improved condition or a better happy baseline suggesting (Diener and Biswas-Diener, 2000). To set a distinction between adaptation and coping, a definition by Diener et al (1999) will be used.
According to him and his colleagues, coping can be defined by the role that the participant takes. In adaptation, the role portrayed by the participant is one of a biological nature involving a process of habituation. Coping, on the other hand, may be more voluntary. Simply put, the actions or reactions of the participant to the situation presented are one of an active nature rather than passive (Diener et al. , 1999). Further elaborating on this concept, Folkman (1997) suggested that there are coping strategies which are directed at higher SWB.
Spiritual beliefs were reported to improve the state of HIV health care givers (Folkman, 1997). From his study, Folkman (1997) found that such beliefs included coping by attaching positive meanings to certain events, focusing on problems to come up with solutions and by positive reappraisal. A related study involving behaviors such as rational action, voluntarily asking for help, faith and the ability to derive strength from hardships as forms of coping strategies were all rated by respondents to be effective tools in coping (McCrae and Costa, 1986).
Moreover, it was found that people who rated with higher subjective well being were using such forms of coping strategies. Consistency was seen despite controlled personality variables. One example for this was, despite controlled personality variables, findings show that neurotic coping was inversely correlated with life satisfaction (not significantly correlated with affect) and it was also found that mature coping correlated with a pleasant affect. The latter was not found to be significantly correlated with life satisfaction or any negative affect (McCrae and Costa, 1986).